Competition Commission of India : Out of syllabus Question for start-up’s

Competition Commission of India : Out of syllabus Question for start-up’s

Bar Council of India’s move to approve the practice of foreign lawyers in India- a bird’s eye view

Bar Council of India’s move to approve the practice of foreign lawyers in India- a bird’s eye view

IMPACT ASSESSMENT

A.I. TRANSCRIBERS IN COURT PROCEEDINGS

A.I. TRANSCRIBERS IN COURT PROCEEDINGS

The legal industry in India has been witnessing a significant transformation with the increasing use of Artificial Intelligence (AI) tools. These tools are revolutionizing various aspects of legal practice – changing the way legal professionals work, enabling them to navigate through vast amounts of data more efficiently. Such tools employ natural language processing (NLP) algorithms to extract relevant information quickly and accurately, significantly reducing the time and effort traditionally required for legal research and reading. 

The most relevant and inspirational example of use of such tools is the deployment of AI- transcribers in several Constitution Bench proceedings before the Supreme Court of India.  On 21st February 2023, Chief Justice of India Justice DY Chandrachud announced that the Supreme Court would be publishing live transcriptions of all constitution bench proceedings using A.I. transcribers. Needless to say, this is a monumental step for an industry that is otherwise known to be fairly traditional with its processes and procedures. This step by the judiciary sets a significant precedent to be adopted by other courts within the country, as transcribing proceedings is a labor-intensive and time-consuming process. With the integration of AI transcribers, however, this task becomes significantly more efficient. AI transcribers leverage advanced speech recognition algorithms and machine learning techniques to convert spoken words into text in real-time. This enables faster and more accurate transcription of court proceedings, saving valuable time for all those involved.  

Now while AI transcribers offer significant advantages, they obviously have certain drawbacks. One limitation is their dependence on audio quality. Background noise, poor audio recording, or overlapping voices can affect the accuracy of transcriptions, which is an accurate description of any court proceedings! Additionally, the most significant drawback is the inability of such transcribers to accurately understand accents, dialects, or speakers with unique speech patterns, resulting in higher error rates. This is especially the case in a country like India where proceedings of several courts are conducted in regional languages, making the use of AI transcribers redundant. Furthermore, the contextual understanding of AI transcribers is still limited, making it challenging to accurately capture complex legal or technical terminology. Lastly, the risk of privacy breaches exists when sensitive or confidential information is transcribed and stored by AI systems. Striking a balance between convenience and ensuring data security remains a challenge in the adoption of AI transcribers.  

It is of course important to acknowledge that these limitations are not inherent deficiencies of AI itself, but challenges in its development and application. AI transcribers continuously learn and improve, as that is the nature of all artificial intelligence. Feedback loops and user interactions help refine the algorithms and language models, resulting in better accuracy over time. Interestingly, the only way to teach AI to work for you is to learn to use it more efficiently! 

There is of the argument that employing AI transcribers would cause a massive loss of jobs across the board. While this may be somewhat true, there can be no replacement for human intelligence, reasoning, critical thinking, and analysis. AI tools are meant to augment legal professionals’ capabilities, and not replace them entirely. 

The Supreme Court’s integration of AI transcribers in court proceedings exemplifies the transformative impact of AI in the legal industry. By automating the transcription process, AI tools enable greater efficiency, accuracy, and accessibility in the judicial system. While challenges remain, the utilization of AI transcribers in the Supreme Court signals a progressive approach towards leveraging technology to enhance the administration of justice in India. 

Understanding Eminent Domain: Rights and Protections for Property Owners

Eminent domain is the authority of the government. to confiscate private property for public use in exchange for reasonable compensation to the property owner. The Fifth Amendment to the United States offers Constitution provides that private property cannot be seized for public purposes without reasonable compensation.

Eminent domain is a complex legal process that entails balancing public requirements with property owners’ rights. It is critical for property owners to understand their rights, consult with eminent domain legal professionals, and ensure that their interests are adequately protected throughout the process.

EMINENT DOMAIN IN INDIA

Eminent domain is a constitutional right guaranteed to the government under Article 300A of the Indian Constitution in the Indian legal system. This enables the government to purchase private land for public use at the national as well as state levels. This power is subject to specific constraints and safeguards that safeguard property owners’ rights.

Eminent domain is restricted to public use, including infrastructure development, urban planning, public utilities, defence, and other activities that benefit people in general. The government must demonstrate that the purchase is both essential and in the public’s best interests. When private property is acquired, property owners have the right to just and equitable reimbursement under the Indian Constitution. The compensation is determined by variables such as the property’s market value, location, achievable use, and any modifications made to the property. In the exercise of eminent domain, due process and fair procedures must be adhered to. Property owners are notified of the government’s intention to buy their property, offered the opportunity to be heard, and the ability to contest the acquisition. Property owners who think their rights have been infringed or there were discrepancies during the purchase process might seek judicial review.

The Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation, and Resettlement Act, 2013 (RFCTLARR Act) is the major piece of law controlling eminent domain in India. The act outlines the framework for land acquisition, compensation determination, and affected people’s rights. Furthermore, the legislation includes procedures for conducting social impact research studies to analyse the repercussions of land acquisition and demands for rehabilitation and relocation for impacted persons and communities.

KEY COMPONENTS OF EMINENT DOMAIN

Let’s go through the essential components of eminent domain in depth, using depictions to help you understand:

One of the core concepts of eminent domain is that the government can only use this authority for a public purpose. This means that the acquisition of private property must benefit the community as a whole. For example, the government may purchase property to build a new public school, enlarge a roadway to relieve traffic congestion, or create a public park for recreational purposes.

An additional significant aspect of eminent domain is the necessity to compensate property owners whose land is being taken. The fair market value of the property at the time of purchase is used to assess just compensation. It should accurately reflect the property’s worth, including its current usage, development possibilities, and any distinguishing features that influence its value.

For example, if the government buys a commercial building in a busy downtown area to make way for a public transportation project, it must pay the property owner an amount that reflects the property’s market value, taking into account its prime location and income-generating potential.

Property owners retain the right to due process when their property is taken via eminent domain. This includes obtaining adequate notice of the government’s intention to seize the property, having the chance to raise their objections or concerns, and having the right to be heard in a fair and impartial hearing. Property owners should be given enough time and information to comprehend the procedure and exercise their rights.

Let’s see an example where the government want to build an irrigation canal on the farmland. In that situation, Prior to purchasing farmland for the building of an irrigation canal, the government must notify the landowner of its plan, offer project information, organise discussions, and take into account any objections voiced by the affected party during the acquisition process.

Additionally, property owners have the ability to seek judicial review if they feel the government’s eminent domain exercise breaches their rights or if there are procedural flaws. This permits people to raise a legal challenge to the acquisition and have an unbiased authority to assess the legality and fairness of the government’s actions. The court can decide if the purchase was warranted, whether the compensation paid was fair, and whether any legal criteria were satisfied.

For example, If a property owner thinks that the government’s acquisition of their land for a proposed shopping mall does not serve a real public purpose or that the compensation granted is insufficient, they can file a lawsuit contesting the acquisition and demanding a review of the government’s conduct.

While eminent domain provides the government authority, it is not without constraints. The government must show that the taking is necessary, reasonable, and serves a valid public purpose. Property owners’ rights are balanced against community needs, ensuring that private property is not unjustly infringed upon and that the public interest is appropriately met.

For example, if the government attempts to acquire a historically significant property in order to demolish it for the construction of a shopping centre, a court may rule that the public interest is not adequately served because preserving the property’s historical value outweighs the proposed commercial development.

In the end, eminent domain is a legal authority granted to the government that enables it to take private land for public purposes. It is a complicated concept with various crucial features that must be properly addressed and handled in order to preserve property owners’ rights. While the government has the ability to use eminent domain, it is limited by requirements such as a valid public purpose and the responsibility to give reasonable compensation. Due process, notification, and judicial review further protect property owners’ rights and guarantee a fair and transparent procedure. Balancing the public interest with private property rights is critical in the exercise of eminent domain, with the goal of achieving harmonious community growth while adhering to the values of justice and fairness. Understanding and protecting the key elements of eminent domain serves as essential for maintaining a balanced legal system that respects property owners’ rights while also serving the best interests of the public at large.

Why India needs a robust Space Law?: Focusing on the importance of maintenance of space infrastructure

Why India needs a robust Space Law?: Focusing on the importance of maintenance of space infrastructure


INTRODUCTION

A sky-rocketing exploration as well as progress in the space arena has necessitated the formulation of an outer space treaty or space law in India. Space law is defined as a set of regulations that bring about a parity between the adverse effects as well as the positive aspects arising out of the activities of the mankind in the space sector which are governed by a set of agreements that can be both National as well as International in nature. A supervision on the activities of unethical dimensions, deleterious weapons, liability of nations in case of negligence, etc will be possible only when a proper space law comes in place in the country.

THE NEED FOR SPACE LAW

With the developed countries strongly consolidating their presence and increasing the competition in the outer space leading to a space war, February 2017 witnessed India creating a new milestone by launching 104 satellites into the orbit of the earth. The day dawned as India’s stake in the private international market upholding the cost efficiency, reliable launching space, and spiking return on investment being the core strengths. This guaranteed a possibility for commercialization and greater scientific discovery. There is certainly no reason for India to keep the space or development in abeyance especially when it is the developer of indigenous polar satellite launch vehicle (PSLV).Being under high scrutiny in the purview of the prime minister’s office, a greater chunk of money for functioning comes from the government. The United States, Russia, and China, have already privatized their space markets by offering services that in return give exorbitant monetary gain. Though no systematic space legislations can be witnessed, The Antrix Corporation is an arm of the International Space Research Organisation (ISRO), which underscores India’s effort in establishing itself as one of the wizards of the space sector.Space law had its way in the world when the then president of The United States, Dwight D Eisenhower, introduced in the United Nations back in 1957 the concept of space laws. The matter focused on negotiations for disarmament. The term Space War can be used for today’s Era which takes back to 1990 with the populist International Law recognised every country to be bound by a responsibility to maintain peace which is very much applicable to the space laws. Things started buckling up when the world’s first artificial satellite was launched in 1957 by Russia, called as Sputnik.

TREATIES AND MUTUAL UNDERSTANDING BETWEEN NATIONS

The laws revolving around the Governance of the outer space spectrum can be dual in nature which is national and international. International level regulations are governed by the legislations like: The Outer Space Treaty 1967 which is a multilateral treaty affair of the member’s states and the impact on celestial bodies or Rescue Agreement On Rescue Of Astronauts And The Return On Objects Launched Into The Outer Space which elucidated the rights and obligations of the states concerning rescue of persons in the space sector.

India needs a space Law due to the lacuna in the treaties. The outer space Treaty emphasized that astronauts are to be rendered with all possible assistance. Albeit being this persuasive, elements like what and who is a space tourist is largely missing in terms of the meaning in these treaties. Article 7(12) of the outer space Treaty also explains the liability provision. Under the provisions in case of any violation of mutually accepted treaties by the states, the particular state will be held liable and not a private person, if any. It is also mandated that the state parties to the agreement have their own National agreement to facilitate contracts and collaborations in research and development under the liability convention. Though these legislations are largely in tandem with space positive competition, there is little in terms of punishment in the form of penal provisions. India will be able to acquire a greater commercial application of space technology at the transnational level through a good space law. Moreover, it will also understand the commercial application of space technology and the impact of it’s crash or crowding in the geostationary orbits. Hence, in furtherance to the adherence to Article 51(22) and Article 253(23) of the India Constitution which provide for implementation of international treaties, we need specific set of laws, like the Indian endeavor of INDPACE ( Indian national space promotion and authorization center) that is a good start and was the single window model agency for commercialization of space activities or procedure for implementation of space laws and SPACECOM.

CONCLUSION

It’s not to say that the Indian scenario totally lacks a proper administrative control over the space sector dealings. Activities are totally governed by the department of space established in the year 1972 before the coming of which India had the Department of Atomic Energy taking care of all the administrative activities in toto for the space sector. India never curated a space law for itself since it did not have a private sector that could invest in outer space plans. At present private sector has recognised the potential in investing in Indian space programs and exploration of space through manned and unmanned machines, which highlight the importance of a proper space law in the country. With the request to privatise the Indian space program that was put forth on May 2020, the future of Indian space law is definitely promising.


 

The Law Commission’s Report on Sedition: Neither well researched nor balanced

The Law Commission’s Report on Sedition: Neither well researched nor balanced

It is the outcome of a rather one-sided view of free speech law in India. Respectfully, it should not form the basis of any reasoned opinion of the court.

The 22nd Law Commission has recommended that Section 124 A of the Indian Penal Code (IPC) dealing with the offence of sedition be retained and that the minimum jail term for the offence be enhanced from three years to seven years. This could clearly be a device to serve the interest of the Centre, which might want its retention for political reasons rather than administrative exigencies.

Background:

The Supreme Court, in an unprecedented move, via its order dated May 11, 2022, forbade the use of the impugned provision and the use of coercive measures based on it.

An affidavit filed by the Centre before the Court said that the Prime Minister was of the opinion that “we need to, as a nation, work even harder to shed colonial baggage that has passed its utility, which includes outdated colonial laws and practices”.

The affidavit further said that the government “has decided to re-examine and re-consider the provision of Section 124A of the IPC”.

Expectations:

One expects the Law Commission to take positions in the larger interests of the country and to persuade the government to follow constitutional principles in the process of making and unmaking laws. The present report does not do that. It does the opposite.

Outcome:

The Law Commission’s report is neither well researched nor balanced. On the contrary, it is partisan and can have a devastating impact on the very idea of human rights in India.

When the Supreme Court is seriously considering the question of whether the judgment in Kedar Nath Singh vs State of Bihar (1962), which upheld the provision, requires to be revisited, the Commission had a duty to be more responsible and up to date.

According to the Law Commission, the threats to India’s internal security are real whereas the misuse of Section 124A is only alleged. This view is not only unrealistic but distorted. The fact is that the Supreme Court has been appraised of the long saga of the law’s misuse with illustrative instances. In fact, the journalist Sashi Kumar has listed persons who were booked under the anti-sedition provision, such as Disha Ravi, an activist, the journalist Vinod Dua, the filmmaker Aisha Sultana, Amulya Leona, a student, and so on. The law was ruthlessly used to book activists during the anti-CAA protest and in the agitation against the now-repealed farm laws.

The Commission’s recommendation, if accepted, will make the law even harsher. The report, in the guise of “removal of oddity in punishment”, calls for enhancing the minimum term of imprisonment for the offence.

Curiously, the Commission has no problem with the text of the law, which is vague and abstract, with inherent potential to trap the innocent. As a result, if these recommendations are accepted, Section 124A will remain draconian by penalising “disaffection” with the government, which would include “disloyalty”. This would mean that any opposition to the government could be labelled seditious, as during the inception of the law in 1870.

Safeguards and misuse of law

The ‘safeguards’ now prescribed cannot curtail the law’s misuse. The suggested clause for previous permission by the government for registration of an FIR based on a preliminary enquiry report by an Inspector of Police is vulnerable to political pressure.

Even with such clauses, it is for the political executive and the police officers who act under them to decide whether an act involved any such incitement. The term public disorder is overbroad and elastic.

More significantly, the report does not consider the fact that there are provisions right in the IPC dealing with offences against the State. They include Sections 121,121A, 122 and 123, all of which deal with the offence of waging war against the government or related activities.

The report distinguishes between the text of the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA) and Section 124A of the IPC to say that the latter is necessary despite the existence of the former. The cardinal point is that the above stated provisions in the IPC literally and practically take in any serious attempt to sabotage the elected government, which in turn would meet the genuine requirements of the state. The Report does not deal with this aspect at all.

The components of the law on sedition as stated by the Commission are clearly different from the text of section 124A. Such ingredients are traceable in the other IPC provisions, as aforesaid. This part of the report is casual, to say the least.

There are also instances of strange comparisons in the document. For endorsing the law’s legitimacy, the Commission compares the colonial law with the police force and the idea of civil services in India, which were established by the British. The logic seems to be that anything colonial need not be unacceptable.

Conclusion:

After receiving  criticism from all corners, the government reacted promptly, with law minister Arjun Ram Meghwal tweeting. The Law Commission report on sedition is one of the steps in the extensive consultative process. The recommendations made in the report are persuasive and not binding. Ultimately, the final decision will be taken only after consulting all stakeholders. Now that we have received the report, we will hold consultations with all stakeholders so that we take an informed and reasoned decision in public interest.”